We have nearly, therefore, spoken about all the other particulars which we proposed to discuss. But in the next place, it remains that we should consider from what causes polities are changed, how many they are, and of what kind, what the occupations are of each polity, and from what forms they are especially changed into others. Farther still, we must consider in what the safety consists of each polity both generally and particularly; and besides this, through what means every polity may be especially preserved. It is necessary, however, in the first place, to assume as a principle, that there are many polities, all of which approve of what is just, and of the equal according to analogy; but they err in the attainment of it, as we have before observed. For a democracy is formed from fancying that those who are equal in any one thing, are simply equal. For because all the people are similarly free, they think they are absolutely equal. But an oligarchy is formed from apprehending that those who are unequal in some one thing, are wholly unequal; for being unequal in property, they conceive they are simply unequal. In the next place, some, indeed, as being equal, think they deserve to partake of all equal things; but others, as being unequal, endeavour to have more. For the more is unequal. All polities, therefore, have indeed something that is just; but they are absolutely erroneous. And on this account, when either party has not that share in the administration which it thinks it ought to have, it becomes seditious. Of all men, however, those might be seditious with the greatest justice, though they are so in the smallest degree, who excel in virtue; for it is most reasonable that these alone should be simply unequal. But there are some persons that excel in birth, who on account of this inequality, disdain to be on an equality with others. For those appear to be noble, who possess the virtue and wealth of their ancestors. These, therefore, are, as I may say, the principles and fountains whence seditions arise. Hence, the mutations in governments are produced in a twofold respect. For the polity already established may be changed into some other; as from a democracy into an oligarchy, or from an oligarchy into a democracy, or from these into a polity properly so called, and an aristocracy; or it may be changed into these from those. Sometimes, however, men are not desirous of changing the existing form of government, which they wish to remain, but they are willing that it should subsist through them; as, for instance, when it is an oligarchy, or a monarchy. Mutations, also, in polities are produced concerning the more and the less. Thus, if the polity is an oligarchy, it is changed into one that is still more oligarchical, or into one that is less so; or if a democracy, into a greater or less democratic form of government. And in a similar manner in the remaining polities mutations take place, either for the purpose of extending or contracting them. Again, this also happens with a view to an alteration in some part of the polity, as to establish or abolish a certain magistracy; as some persons say Lysander endeavoured to dissolve the kingly power in Lacedæmon, and Pausanias the kingly power of the Ephori. In Epidamnus, likewise, there was an alteration in one part of the polity; for instead of the Philarchi, they established a senate. It is also necessary for all the magistrates at Athens to attend in the court of Elæa when any new magistrate is created. The archon, likewise, in this polity possesses an oligarchic power; for sedition is every where produced through inequality; yet not when there is the analogous in those that are unequal. For an unequal kingly power would be perpetual, if it was exercised over equals. For, in short, those who search after equality are the cause of seditions. But the equal is twofold; for the one consists in number; but the other is according to desert. I mean, however, by equality in number, that which is the same and equal in multitude or magnitude; but by equality according to desert, that which is the same and equal in ratio. Thus, three exceeds two, indeed, according to an equal number, and two exceeds one; but four exceeds two in ratio, and by the same ratio two exceeds one. For two is the same equal part of four that one is of two; for both are halves. All men, however, acknowledge that the simply just is a distribution according to desert, as we before observed; but some, if they are equal in one respect, think themselves equal in all; and others, if they are unequal, i.e. if they excel, in one thing, think themselves deserving of superiority in every thing. Hence, two polities are especially produced, a democracy, and an oligarchy. For nobility and virtue are confined to a few; but the contrary are to be found amongst the many. For there are no where a hundred noble and worthy men; but those who are destitute of virtue and wealth abound every where. In short, it is bad for a government to be entirely established according to either of these equalities; and this is evident from what happens to take place. For no one of such like polities is stable. The cause, however, of this is, because it is impossible when an error is committed at first and in the beginning, that some evil should not occur in the end. Hence, it is necessary partly to make use of arithmetical equality, and partly of the equality which is according to desert. At the same time, however, a democracy is more secure, and less subject to sedition than an oligarchy. For in oligarchies two kinds of sedition are produced; for the few in power may either conspire against each other, or against the people. But in democracies there is only an opposition to the few in power; for there is no instance worth mentioning of a sedition of the people amongst themselves. And farther still, a polity consisting of those of the middle rank, is nearer to a democracy than an oligarchy, and is the most secure of such like polities.
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