It follows after what has been said, that we should show what and what kind of polity is advantageous to particular persons. But, in the first place, the same thing must be assumed universally concerning all of them. For it is necessary that the part of the city which wishes the polity to remain, should be superior to that part which does not wish it to continue as it is. Every city, however, consists of quality, and quantity. But I mean by quality, liberty, wealth, education and nobility; and by quantity, the excess of the multitude of the people. It is possible, however, that quality may exist in one of those parts of which the city consists, and quantity in another. Thus, for instance, the number of the ignoble may be greater than the number of the noble, or the number of the poor than that of the rich; and yet they may not so much surpass in quantity, as they are deficient in quality. Hence, these must be compared with each other. Where the multitude of the poor, therefore, exceeds the above-mentioned analogy, there a democracy is naturally formed. And if the husbandmen are the most numerous part of the community, it will be a democracy of husbandmen. And so each species of a democracy will be produced, according to the excess of every kind of people. Thus, for instance, if the multitude of husbandmen should prevail, the first species of a democracy will be produced; but the last, if the multitude of sordid artificers and hirelings should predominate. And in a similar manner with respect to the other species between these. But where the rich and the noble prevail more by their quality, than they are deficient in quantity, there an oligarchy ensues, and after the same manner each species of an oligarchy, according to the excess of the oligarchic multitude. The legislator, however, in framing a polity, ought always to pay attention to those in the middle class. For if he should establish oligarchic laws, his attention should be directed to citizens in the middle rank of life. And if he intends to establish democratic laws, he should also regard persons of this description. But where the multitude of those in the middle class prevails over that of both the extremes, or over one of them only, there it will happen that the polity is stable; for there is no occasion to fear that the rich and the poor, will ever, when this is the case, conspire against those of the middle rank; since neither of these will wish to be subservient to the other. Those, however, who inquire after a more common polity, will find no other than this. For the poor and the rich will not submit to govern alternately, through the want of confidence in each other. But every where an arbitrator is most worthy to be trusted; and an arbitrator is a medium. By how much better, however, the polity is mingled, by so much the more stable will it be. But most of those who wish to establish aristocratic polities err, not only in giving too much power to the rich, but also in rejecting the common people. For it will necessarily happen in the course of time, that real evil will be produced from false good. For the insatiable desires of the rich are more destructive to a polity than those of the common people.
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